#First amendment dom of speech citation series

Most observers, conceding the force of similar examples, have concluded that even Justice Black, a sophisticated analyst, must have viewed his absolutism as a debating point, not a rigid rule for decision. A witness who lies under oath surely has no constitutional immunity from prosecution, and yet her perjury is pure speech. So it was that the First Amendment absolutist, toward the end of his life, often voted to send marchers and other demonstrators to jail for expressing themselves in places where he said they had no right to be.įirst Amendment absolutism fails more fundamentally, on its own terms. He distinguished between speech, which was absolutely protected, and conduct, which was subject to reasonable regulation. But Black never claimed that the First Amendment protected all communications, irrespective of context. douglas, that government could not constitutionally punish discussions of public affairs, even if they incited to illegal action. For Justice Black, it was grounded in the constitutional text.īlack argued that 'the Constitution guarantees absolute freedom of speech'-he used the modern locution, including the press when he said 'speech'-and, characteristically, he drew support from the First Amendment's words: 'Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.' He viewed all obscenity and libel laws as unconstitutional he argued, often supported by Justice william o. For alexander meiklejohn, First Amendment absolutism was built into the structure of a self-governing democracy.

#First amendment dom of speech citation series

The occasion was presented when the Court confronted a series of cases involving governmental restrictions on subversive activities. The argument that the First Amendment 'absolutely' guaranteed speech and press freedoms was first raised in the debate over the Sedition Act (1798) but did not become the focus of debate in Supreme Court opinions for another century and a half. black :Isthe first amendment an 'absolute,' totally forbidding government restrictions on speech and the press that fall within the Amendment's scope, or is the freedom of speech properly subject to balancing tests that weigh restrictions on speech against governmental interests asserted to justify them? With Black's retirement in 1971, the whole airy question simply collapsed. In the 1950s and 1960s, some Justices of the Supreme Court and some commentators on the Court's work debated an abstract issue of constitutional theory pressed on it by Justice hugo l.